Posts by BetreYacob:
Ethiopians calling for Protest
September 11th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
The Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ), the most important opposition political party working under the narrowest political landscape in Ethiopia, in collaboration with other 33 opposition political parties is calling for massive anti government protest, urging people to take to the street of the capital Addis Ababa on 15 September 2013.
The demonstration is the part of the campaign, “Millions of Voices for Freedom”, which has begun almost 3 months ago. Following the call, many are arguing that millions of Ethiopians suffering from racial discrimination, exploitation, injustice, abject poverty, and rampant human rights violations could turn out.
“Millions of Voices for Freedom” was launched on 20 June 2013, and has the objective to struggle against the ruling party which is significantly becoming repressive. It is said to be the new development in the history of the Ethiopian opposition political parties’ struggle. It is the first ever well organized non violent struggle in the country along with the ongoing Muslim Ethiopians struggle which has begun in 2011 calling an end for the government interference in religious affairs.
In a recent official statement, the party stated that the coming demonstration was the last activity planned to be taken place in the time bound of the ongoing campaign. But, the officials of the party made clear that it didn’t mean that it was the end of the struggle but the beginning.
“We will come up with a new, well organized, and strong campaign soon. There will no more silence”, they noted.
According to reports, several peaceful demonstrations were held successfully during the past nearly 3 months, along with activities including public discussions. According to the reports, the demonstrations held in Gondar and Dessie towns were, for example, attended by tens of thousands of people, and were shocking to the regime which has been in power since 1991 with a rod of iron.
Here the reports indicates that several members of the party were arrested, beaten, and experienced several human right violations, particularly before the days ahead of the demonstrations. The violations were said to have been systematically planned to discourage the people from being a part of the movement.
The Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic front (EPRDF), the ruling party, came to power in 1991 after a bloody armed struggle with the regime of military ruler, Mengistu Haile Mariam. Many Ethiopians and international human right organizations accuse the party of violating basic rights. It is always mentioned for jailing and killing innocents.
The Heroic Ethiopian Journalist Eskinder Nega
August 15th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
Ethiopian prominent Journalist and blogger Eskinder Naga is one of those who have been arrested, interrogated, and threatened in Ethiopia, for exercising freedom of expression. He is currently serving his jail sentence in Kality, a notoriously brutal prison in Addis Ababa, where dozens of political prisoners are suffering. Judged a “terrorist” by the regime’s kangaroo court, he was sentenced to 18 years in prison in 2012, along with other critical journalists and bloggers.
Ethiopia is one of the leading repressive nations in the world. Particularly, the repression of freedom of expression is the most severe in this poor East African nation more than any other country. According to Amnesty International, during the past three years only, over 100 prominent journalists and influential political activists were prosecuted on fabricated charges of terrorism, and too many others were also subjected to harassment, intimidation, threat, and other violence.
Eskinder Naga, 45, is a brave and most admirable journalist and blogger that the world has ever seen. What makes him exceptional is his commitment to freedom of speech even in the face of grave risks. According to his profile, he has courageously worked as a journalist for more than twenty one years and been jailed 8 times in the past two decades only. Until his last day in freedom, he courageously wrote about the political crisis of his impoverished country Ethiopia, and bravely fought falsehoods, brutality, and oppression with the power of words. Today, this exceptional courage, resistance, and commitment to freedom of expression have made him a glorious hero in Ethiopia and a symbol of press freedom in Africa.
Eskinder served as a vital voice for independent journalism in Ethiopia that hungers for access to free information, and as inspiration for many journalists and human right activists. He found 4 most prominent newspapers which were eventually closed by the Ethiopian regime that continues its tight grip on press freedom. He has also worked as a columnist at different publications, and been a contributor of many Ethiopian online medias and news forums.
Eskinder was arrested on 14 September 2011, just a week after he had posted an article which criticises the anti-terrorism law that had been adapted by the Ethiopian government in 2009 to target perceived opponents, stifle dissent, and silence journalists. He was detained without charge and access to a lawyer. The government announced that he was accused of organizing terrorism nearly two months later. During the trial, the prosecutors claimed that Eskinder had been coordinating different activities of terrorism using his constitutional rights to freedom of expression as a cover. The evidences submitted by the prosecutors were, however, relied on his public writings and other journalistic activities. Based on such evidences, Eskinder was finally said “terrorist”, and sentenced to 18 years in prison on 10 November 2012, under the anti-terrorism law he questioned.
When Eskinder was arrested, he was bringing his 6 years old son from kindergarten. According to his wife Serkalem Fasil, the police stopped them on their way and would not even let Eskinder bring the kid home. She said that they had brutally split the boy from his father. She further said that the police officers had been recording and taking pictures as the boy had been crawling on the ground and crying watching his father who had been thrown around and handcuffed. The Committee to Protect Journalists asserted that the charge against Eskinder was baseless and politically motivated in reprisal for his writings, adding: “his conviction reiterates that Ethiopia will not hesitate to punish a probing press by imprisoning journalists or pushing them into exile in misusing the law to silence critical and independent reportings.”
The saddest reality is that the very harsh sentence handed down to Eskinder Nega was not the end but the beginning. On September 2012, the Federal High Court further ordered the property of Eskinder Nega (which includes a house and car) to be confiscated. But, surprisingly, notwithstanding these all painful punishments, Eskinder continues writing his dissenting views. For instance, in his recent article entitled “From Ethiopia’s Gulag”, which was smuggled from the prison, he criticised the Ethiopian brutal regime and recommended the US government to take appropriate action against it. In this article, he also warned that Ethiopia could be imploded in the near future as the result of the standing political and humanitarian crisis.
Born in 1968 in Addis Ababa, Eskinder had studied high school and college in the United States of America (USA). Upon completing his study, he returned to his home land Ethiopia and began to work as a journalist in 1991, with the objective to hold the Ethiopian government accountable to its democratic promise and promote democracy and freedom.
In 2005, following the controversial election in which government troops brutally killed more than 193 unarmed peaceful protesters and wounded another 763, Eskinder was arrested and charged with serious crimes such as treason and genocide. This was for the 3rd time that he was jailed for practicing journalism, but what makes this one too different was that he was not alone but with his then pregnant wife, Serkalem Fasil, a journalist and newspaper publisher, who later gave birth to a son with no pre-natal care in her very small and crowded cell. Eskinder and his wife were released in 2007, by presidential pardon. Up on his release, Eskinder was banned from publishing his newspaper–named Satenaw, and denied a license to launch a new publication. But, this didn’t stop him from speaking out. He was able to write his dissenting views online, until he got arrested.
Eskinder Nega is the recipient of the PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award.
Eritrea in Critical Defense Corruption
August 15th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
Eritrea, one of the smallest nations, is known to be most militarised country in Africa. According to different sources, the number of its army is estimated to be more than 600,000—which is approximately 20% of its total population. Many, for this reason, call the country the “North Korea of Africa”. To our surprise, a recent study has also revealed that this smallest nation has not only a huge defense force but also most corrupted. According to the study, titled “Government Defense Anti-Corruption Index 2013”, the Eritrean Defense Force is among the top 9 most corrupted defense forces in the world.
The study released by Transparency International UK (TI-UK), which is said to be intended to provide governments and citizens with valuable information on how their defense ministries and armed forces compare to others in tackling defense corruption, has listed the Eritrean defense force in the “F- Band” or in “Critical Category of High Defense Corruption”—along with ALGERIA, ANGOLA, CAMEROON, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, EGYPT, LIBYA, SYRIA, and YEMEN.
The study, the first ever evaluation of corruption vulnerability and risk in defense ministries and armed forces, assessed 82 countries, selected according to the size of their arms trade and the total and per capita size of their militaries. The assessment was done using a comprehensive questionnaire of 77 questions, clustered into five potential risk areas (such as “Political risk”, “Finance Risk”, “Personnel Risk”, and “Procurement Risk”), and scores were given to counties in bands A to F— with A being “Very low” ; with D being “High” ; and F “Critical.”
According to the study, Eritrea scored “F” in almost all questions. For instance, the country scored “F” in questions related to budget scrutiny, internal audit, and external audit.
The study shows that Eritrea ranks below all sub-Saharan countries which are known for suffering from conflict, political instability, poor governance, and internal divisions. Even its neighbouring Ethiopia, one of the most repressive nations, ranks better— listed under “D-Band.” “Eritrea exhibits very poor results, beset by networks of patronage, highly secretive government and, again, a legacy of conflict”, the study says.
Under Financial corruption risk, the study reveals that asset disposals are not monitored, controlled, and transparent in Eritrea. It further exposes that beyond illegal spending of official government budget, there is potentially illicit use of budgets earmarked as secret, often kept out from public and legislative oversight in the name of ‘national security’. “It concerns corrupt behaviour associated with both licit and illicit military-owned businesses and with unauthorised private enterprise by military personnel”, the study reads.
The study also says that six of the nine most corrupted countries in “Band F” have military expenditure as a proportion of GDP in excess of 2 per cent, and Eritrea is one of them. According to the study, Eritrea’s expenditure is more than 4 per cent.
The study indicates that the citizen of Eritrea should give attention to the defense corruption. This is because, the study says: “corruption often leads to impunity, undermining public trust; it threatens citizens’ security, such as when the military’s ability to act with impunity puts peoples’ lives at risk.”
The study, which put a spotlight on the widespread corruption in Eritrea, finally recommends different actions to be taken both by the Eritrean government and people. For instance, it suggests the government to analyse the corruption risks in the national defense and security establishments, and develop and implement an action plan to tackle the identified risks. It further says: “Make secrecy the exception, not the norm. Publish the defense budget in detail each year, including the percentage of the budget that is secret. Ensure that secret spending is subject to oversight that is secure but nonetheless is independent of the military and the executive.”
Eritrea is one of the most poorest countries in the world. Its GDP, one of the smallest in Africa, is 2.61 billion. And 60% of its GDP is also covered in debt. According to Fox Business report, 65% of the population of Eritrea suffer under extream poverty.
Sinai Desert: A Brutal Prison and Grave for Thousands of Ethiopian, Somali, and Eritrean Refugees
June 22nd, 2013By Betre Yacob
“We were 16 people. Once we first arrived inside the house, we were asked for money. One guy said straight away that he won’t be able to pay. They [the captors] wanted to make him an example; so they undressed him in front of us and started beating and poking him with big wooden sticks. They then inserted a stick into his… He was bleeding all over. After more beatings, they poured petrol on him and set him on fire. After he died, they left his body in the room with us until it became rotten and worms started crawling. They forced all of us in turns to hold him.”
This story may seem to be taken from a Hollywood horror movie as it is so horrific. But, unfortunately, it is a true story. It is what an Eritrean survivor, held captive in Sinai for eight months after being kidnapped from Eastern Sudan, said recently while describing his ordeal to Amnesty International.
Kidnapped mostly from Eastern Sudan, many Ethiopian, Somali, and Eritrean refugees are held captive in Sinai Desert by Bedouin criminal gangs [people-traffickers] with the objective to obtain tens of thousands of dollars in ransom money in exchange for their release. During their captivity, they are subjected to several acts of extreme violence and brutality, including rape of men and women and other forms of sexual violence. Some of those who are unable to pay a ransom are simply killed like what we have seen here above in the story; some others are murdered to demonstrate to the families of other captives the seriousness of the threats. Many die as a result of routine torture.
Lamlam, 17, is another survivor. She experienced extremely brutal abuses. She says that everything was a nightmare more than one can imagine. “The kidnappers would make me lie on my back and then they would get me to ring my family to ask them to pay the ransom they wanted,” she says. “As soon as one of my parents answered the phone, the men would melt flaming plastic over my back and inner thighs and I would scream and scream in pain. This, they hoped, would put extra pressure on my mother and father to find the money.”
The New York Times estimates that 7,000 Ethiopian, Somali, and Eritrean refugees have been abused this way over the last four years, and that 4,000 of them have died. The victims include men, women, children, and even accompanying infants. The majorities of them are also estimated to be aged between 15—25. However, some NGOs and international organizations place the number of the victims far higher. According to different human rights organizations, this new form of brutal ‘business’ has been escalating, as the impunity guaranteed to the criminals continues. Reports indicate that there have been no prosecutions of criminals responsible for the abuses so far.
Different testimonies and reports shows that the methods of torturesthat are often used to increase the urgency of captives’ pleas to relatives to pay the money to secure their release are extremely brutal and often lead to a wish to die. These include electrocution; pouring gasoline over the body and setting it on fire; burning with cigarette butts or heated rubber and metal objects; water-drowning; amputation of limbs; beatings with objects such as metal chains, sticks and whips; suspension from the ceiling and suspension in contorted positions for prolonged periods of time; hanging by hair; and forcing to stand for extended periods of time in desert heat. According to testimonies, captives often face a combination of these all methods.
In its latest report Amnesty International said that victims have also reported having fingernails pulled out. The group further said: “Many have also reportedly been deprived of food, water, medical treatment and showers for prolonged periods. Many former captives also reported being chained throughout the duration of their captivity, often to other captives.” A research conducted by Tilburg University and Europe External Policy Advisors shows that women are tortured while pregnant – and their pregnancies are often the result of the rapes they suffer. If they find themselves pregnant, women hostages are told that the ransom will double once their baby is born. Many hostages succumb to the torture. This torture can be functional as it takes place to extort the ransom from relatives, but it can also be gratuitous.
Different reports indicate that ransoms are often paid despite the amounts demanded by the criminals are very excessive—often from USD 30,000 —50,000. Relatives sell their possessions such as houses and lands, to get the money demanded and free the hostages suffering from extreme acts of brutality; many borrow while some go from church to church begging people to contribute. Some hostages are, however, killed even after their ransom has been paid after many up and down.
Kidnapping in Eastern Sudan
Many Ethiopian, Somali, and Eritrean, who left their repressive and impoverished countries in search of a better security and life, get kidnapped and become hostage every single day. The significant majority of the victims are, however, Eritrean. Different researches indicate Eritrean refugees are often kidnapped on their way to refuge camps in East Sudan, where asylum-seekers undergo a refugee status determination procedure and are issued with documentation. There are, however, significant reports of kidnapping from inside refuge camps, particularly from Shagarab. There are also some incidents from Mai Aini camp in Ethiopia.
The kidnappings are mainly carried out by Sudanese criminal networks made up of local tribesmen with the support of different individuals— often Eritreans. There are also allegations of the involvement of members of the Sudanese security forces and corrupted Eritrean military officials working around Eritrea-Sudan border.
According to testimonies, once the Eritreans refugees are kidnapped, they are soon sold to the major criminal gangs known as Rashaida in East Sudan. They are then forcibly transported to Sinai in harrowing journeys that last for several weeks, and sold to Bedouin criminal networks that held them hostage and torture them to extract ransom payments from their families. Reports indicate that during the journey to Sinai refugees are subjected to violence, including beatings and rape, and cruel treatment, including deprivation of food and water.
Source: http://www.assaman.info/
“Millions of Voices for Freedom”: Ethiopians Standing against the Brutal Regime
June 22nd, 2013By Betre Yacob
The Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), the most important opposition political party working under the narrowest political landscape of Ethiopia, has launched a “peaceful struggle campaign” with a motto——“Millions of Voices for Freedom” against the brutal regime ruling the country since 1991. Many millions of Ethiopians suffering from racial discrimination, exploitation, injustice, abject poverty, rampant human rights violations are expected to actively participate in the struggle.
In a launching press conference held on 20 June 2013, Mr. Dawite Solomon, the spokesperson of the party, called upon the people, political parties, civic organizations, the mass media, the Ethiopian diaspora and concerned members of the ruling party who give priority to the interest of the nation to take an active part and participate in the campaign. He said that it is the time to get together and struggle for freedom.
The press release of the party issued on 20 June 2013 says that the “objective of the campaign is to oppose the ever growing system of dictatorship that deprives citizens of their human and democratic rights, forces them to live in a state of fear and to sell their dignity for petty favors and privileges.” The press release further says: “we shall struggle resolutely to create a society where our basic rights are respected, power belongs to the people, citizens are not imprisoned for expressing their views freely and where justice prevails.”
According to the party, the campaign includes several peaceful activities including public discussions, signature gathering, and frequent rallies. The struggle is planned to be done throughout the country including the capital Addis Ababa.
“We have made public a document on which people will put their signatures in opposition of the Anti-Terrorism Law”, the press release says. “Along with this, we shall demand that imprisoned politicians, journalists and those who demand religious freedom be released. To translate this demand into action, we shall organize meetings and public square rallies. We shall conduct six public meetings in Addis. In the regions, we shall organize ten public meetings initially. The peaceful public demonstrations that give expression to the millions of voices to ensure freedom will involve all Ethiopians”, the press release explains.
Answering questions raised by journalists in the press conference, the Chairperson of the UDJ’s National Council, Mr. Tigestu Awolu, said that the struggle is absolutely different from those in the past. He said that it’s not spontaneous and improvised but strategically well designed in such a way which can bring about the needed changes effectively and efficiently. In line with this, different political activities are suggesting that the campaign would be successful as far as it is well organized.
Ethiopia is one of the most repressive nations in Africa, and has very poor human right records. It is a place where there is no freedom of assembly and freedom of expression. It is a place where law abiding citizens are simply imprisoned, beaten or executed; where innocents are subjected to mass arrests and theatrical charges just because they demanded for their religious freedom; where journalists are considered as enemies and their rights are completely denied and thrown into prison because they expressed their ideas freely.
Different researches show that since recent years these human rights violations coupled with widespread discrimination, corruption, unemployment, and sky rocket price inflation have made the country an intolerable prison for the majority and lead many to the fact that drastic political change is badly needed to transform the country for the better.
Non-competitive Election Held in Ethiopia
May 5th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
Ethiopia held a non-competitive local and city council election on 14 and 21 April 2013, in which only the authoritarian ruling party, Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), and its affiliated parties contested. The election is said to have fallen short of international standards, and seriously condemned by thirty-three opposition political parties—which had boycotted the election during the run-up to the polls.
“It wasn’t an election but joking”, said Mr. Asrat Tasse, the chairperson of the coordination committee of the thirty-three opposition political parties. “Imagine! It didn’t participate all major opposition political parties that represent millions of Ethiopians; the ruling party was the only contestant.”
The election was held at nearly 45,000 polling stations across the nation with a total of 3.6 million candidates. Reports indicate that more than 96% of the candidates were from the ruling party, EPRDF, and the remaining 4% also from its affiliated parties.
The thirty-three opposition political parties had boycotted the election during the run-up to the polls—claiming that the government was committing political violence against their members, supporters, and candidates. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), as the election was approaching, many key members and candidates of opposition political parties were detained while thousands of supporters were intimidated and harassed. One candidate was also reported to have been killed by security officials.
The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), which can be seen as one of the political institutions of EPRDF, however announced right after the election that the election had been conducted in a peaceful manner and to meet all international standards. The Chairperson of NEBE, Merga Bekane, said to a reporter that the election even could be considered as “exemplary to the international community”.
According to different sources, the actual number of people who went to the polls to cast their votes was very few and unprecedented. For instance, the prominent newspaper named Fnote-Netsanet, which has been working online after being banned from printing by the tyrannical Ethiopian government, reported that most of the polling stations across the country had been almost empty since late in the morning.
The reason for the low public participation is said to have been a lack of public trust in the election. According to Ethiopian political activists, many people have clearly realized from the past experiences that the election in Ethiopia is meaningless and a cheating instrument of the tyrannical regime to give a legal ground to its power.
According to the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), the funny result of the election is to be announced on 6 May.
Since the ousting of the Derg regime in 1991, the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia held four general elections to the House of People’s Representatives and Regional State Councils. 3 local and city council elections, apart from this one, were also held. But, none of them were fair and democratic, according to different independent human right organizations report.
Targeted Killing of Journalists Continues to Thrive in Somalia
April 29th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
The wave of targeted killings and attacks against journalists in Somalia has continued in 2013 to be most shocking and Concerning, as the new government has consistently failed to effectively investigate the violations and bring the assailants responsible to justice. Only in the first 3 months of the year the country lost three additional journalists, and the number of Those killed since 2012 has reached 21, making the country the most dangerous ground in the globe for journalists and media workers.
The veteran journalist, Abdihared Osman Aden , a producer ofShabelle Media Network -the leading news network in Somalia, was the first media professional to Have Been Killed in 2013. He was brutally shot dead by unknown gunmen on January 18 while he was going to work.
According to news reports, he was shot several times in the head, neck, and lower parts of His body. Abdihared was one of the few outstanding journalists who could publicly criticize the ruling government in Somalia. He was the fifth journalist of Shabelle Media Network to Have Been Killed. Nuxurkey Mohamed Ali , 29, a journalist for Radio Mustaqbal , also was killed a month later on 18 March in a suicide car bombing That wound two other journalists. Rahma Abdulkadir was the first woman and third media professional to Have Been Killed in this year. She was reportedly shot and killed by unknown armed men on 24 March.
Somalia, a country ravaged by conflict, has never been safe place for independent journalists since the downfall of the regime of Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991. However, targeted killings against them have become persistent since 2007, after the Al-Qaeda-linked Al-Shabab militants were totally removed from the capital, Mogadishu .
According to the data Obtained from the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) , the leading press advocacy group, 44 radio, print, television, and web journalists were killed from 2007 to 2012 only. Also many more were wounded, kidnapped, arrested, and threatened. 2012 was the deadliest year for Somali journalists. On CPJ’s annual Impunity Index, Which spotlights countries where journalists are frequently murdered, the number of murder cases recorded in That year has made the country the world’s second deadliest country for the media, next to Syria.
Impunity
Impunity is the major problem in Somalia. Including the French National Journalists Union (SNJ) , many argue That the causes of this dangerous environment Which made the country as one of the most dangerous places for media professionals in the world is the impunity granted to the killers.
Reports indicated that none of the killers has so far been identified and brought to justice. “No crime committed against a journalist Has Been properly investigated,” said the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) in its latest report. “The only single exception Has Been the admission by the African Union mission (AMISOM) That a Burundian soldier was allegedly responsible for the death of a Malaysian journalist in Mogadishu. “
The deaths of journalists in Somalia were only Generally blamed on Al-Shabab militants and another hard-liner insurgent group named“Hezbul-Islam” – Which is said to have tried to put pressure on local radio stations to ascertain its authority on what goes on air. However, since recent months, the attacks have Appeared to be part of a systematic attempt by all parties to the conflict to discourage reporting on Their activities.
For instance, Reporters Without Boarders (RWB) , recently said in a report that: “those who kill journalists are not only to be found Within the Islamist Militias, but Also Within the federal government and the regional Governments, where media revelations about corruption and bad governance are resented. ” According to the group, this is one of the Reasons Why the government has done nothing to end impunity. The government, However, unwaveringly denied the allegation, Maintaining That lack of resources and the disastrous state of government institutions are the causes to the impunity.
2012: The Deadliest Year
According to CPJ, 18 journalists were killed in 2012 only five of them-Within a week. Most were assassinated in the capital, Mogadishu, where the security is supposed to be relatively better. A symbolic execution in 2012 was the gunning down of the known producer and webmaster of Radio Shabelle-which is part of the Shabelle Media Network .
Turyare Mohamed Mohamud was savagely beaten, and shot three times in the stomach while walking to work in Wadair district in Mogadishu. Having Suffered so much from the injuries in a hospital, he died a week later on 28th October 2012. He was the fourth journalist of Shabelle Media Network to Have Been Killed. On the evening of October 29 (a day after) – His friend and colleague, Shire Warsame Awale , a popular journalist working for a Mogadishu-based radio station, was gunned down in the same circumstance. Warsame was known for His genuine criticism against the Al-Shabab militants. His family confirmed that he had been receiving threats as a result of his activities.
Hassan Osman Abdi , the Director of Shabelle Media Network , was the first journalist to Have Been Killed in 2012. He was shot dead in Mogadishu on 28 January. He was shot five places including on His head and chest by five unknown armed men. According to the data Obtained from the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the number of assassinations committed in 2012 are twice the figure of 2009-which Had Been the deadliest year for Somali media with 9 killed.
Imprisoned Ethiopian Journalist Wins the 2013 UNESCO-World Press Freedom Prize
April 25th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
Imprisoned Ethiopian journalist Reeyot Alemu has won the 2013 UNESCO-Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize. She is given the prize in recognition of her “exceptional courage, resistance and commitment” to freedom of expression. According to UNESCO’s news report, she was recommended by an independent international jury of 12 most outstanding media professionals.
Reeyot Alemu is one of the very rare outspoken Ethiopian women journalists. She bravely fought falsehoods, brutality, and oppression in Ethiopia, with pen — a power of words. She is currently serving a five-year jail sentence in Kality, a notoriously brutal prison of the authoritarian regime in Ethiopia. She was charged with ‘terrorism offences’ on June 2012, under the vaguely worded and broad-reaching Anti-Terrorism law, passed by the regime in 2009.
According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), all of the charges against Reeyot Alemu were only based on her journalistic activities–emails she had received from pro-opposition discussion groups and reports and photographs she had sent to opposition news sites.
Reeyot Alemu is among a number of journalists who have been prosecuted under the anti-terrorism law in Ethiopia. According to Amnesty International, only during 2011 and 2012, over 100 journalists and political activists were arrested and prosecuted on charges of terrorism and other offenses in the country, for exercising their rights to freedom of expression. The actions that were the basis for such charges and prosecutions included writing articles critical of the government, calling for peaceful protest, and reporting on peaceful protests.
A Woman Born to Stand for the Truth
Born in 1980, Reeyot Alemu studied in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia. She received her BA in English Language and Theatrical Art from Addis Ababa University in 2005. Willing to risk her freedom and peace of mind, she began writing articles for independent newspapers in 2009, as a freelance writer.
Reeyot Alemu joined the now-defunct most prominent weekly newspaper called Awramba Times in 2010, where she worked as a columnist and wrote critically about the social and political crisis of her country. In 2011, she worked, among other roles, as a columnist for the weekly independent paper Feteh, which was later shuttered by the regime.
In 2010, Reeyot Alemu was able to found her own publishing house and a monthly magazine called “Change” that covered a wide range of political and social issues. However, after operating for a while, both of them were subsequently closed.
On June 21, 2011, Reeyot Alemu was taken from the school she taught, and arrested in Ma-ekelawi, an interrogation center, where dis-speakable torture is a normal practice of police and security officials in attempts to elicit confessions before cases go to trial. It was without charge. Four days before her arrest, she had written a sharp critique against the regime’s illegitimate fundraising methods for a dam project, and had apparently compared the late Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi with Ethiopia’s then-Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who ruled the country for 21 years with a rod of iron.
Judged a “terrorist” by the tyrannical regime’s court, Reeyot Alemu was sentenced to 18 years in prison in January 2012. An appeals court, however, subsequently reduced the sentence to five years and dropped some of the charges.
Reeyot Alemu was offered clemency if she agreed to testify against journalist colleagues, who were arrested with her and accused by the regime of abetting terrorist groups. She, however, refused to do so and was consequently sent to solitary confinement as a punishment.
According to different sources, since her imprisonment in June 2011, the health of Reeyot Alemu has deteriorated. Recently, she has underwent surgery to remove a tumor from her breast. Her families reported that after the surgery she was forced to return to jail with no recovery time, and two days later she was, therefore, bleeding.
In 2012, Reeyot Alemu was the recipient of the prestigious 2012 Courage in Journalism Award that recognizes courageous actions of journalists around the world. She was given the prize for her “refusal to self-censor in a place where that practice is standard, and her unwillingness to apologize for truth-telling, even though contrition could win her freedom.”
UN Human Rights Council Adopted a Resolution on Human Rights Defenders
March 26th, 2013
By Betre Yacob.
As the authoritarian government in Ethiopia continues its violence against journalists and human right defenders, the United Nation Human Rights Council (UNHRC) adopted a new resolution on 21 March 2013 calling an end to the impunity and the protection of dissent.
In a statement issued on 21 March 2013, the council says that the resolution on “protecting human rights defenders (A/HRC/22/L.13)” is successfully adopted at its 22nd Session in Geneva having received the support of 62 states across 6 continents.
“We welcome the resolution as a significant statement by the UNHRC reaffirming the positive obligation upon States to facilitate the work of HRDs, and remove obstacles to their work, including legislation that illegitimately criminalises the exercise of the right to freedom of expression and information”, the statement explains.
The statement says that the new resolution can be seen as a timely response to the increasing challenges faced by human right defenders, and it strongly calls on States to ensure that it translates to real action on the ground.
“We call on all states to review their domestic laws and practices to ensure that they comply with the new resolution and with other international human rights standards in this area”, the statement adds.
According to the statement, the resolution supports the obligation upon governments (including the Ethiopian Tyrannical Regime) to: create a safe and enabling environment in which HRDs can operate free from hindrance and insecurity; ensure laws to protect national security are not misused to target HRDs and that counter-terrorism measures comply with international human rights standards; ensure HRDs can perform their important role in the context of peaceful protests; ensure that reporting requirements for civil society do not inhibit functional autonomy, and that no law criminalises or places discriminatory restrictions on funding sources; and protect the expression of dissenting views.
Ethiopia’s Human Rights Crisis Worsened
March 14th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
The human rights situation in Ethiopia, the most important strategic and security ally of the Western powers, has worsened drastically, according to the 2013 Human Rights Watch’s World Report, which summarizes the human rights situation of more than 90 countries worldwide—drawing on events from the end of 2011 through November 2012.
The 665 page report says that Ethiopia’s dictatorial regime has deliberately continued to severely restrict fundamental rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly. In addition, the report indicates that intimidation, arbitrary arrest, torture, forced displacement, and killing remain routine throughout the country.
The report, which reflects extensive investigative work that Human Rights Watch undertook in collaboration with local human rights activists, was released in the beginning of February 2013. Providing heartbreaking examples, cases, and photographs, the report explains enough how dramatically the human rights crisis in Ethiopia has been worsening.
“Freedom of Expression, Association, and Assembly”
According to the report, the Anti-Terrorism Law and the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO Law), which criminalize independent reporting on opposition and human rights activities, have severely restricted freedom of expression, assembly, and association in Ethiopia. The report says that as a result of these two draconian laws—independent journalists, opposition politicians, human rights activists have been subjected to persistent harassment, threats, intimidation and persecution by the government authorities.
The report explains: “Ethiopia’s most important human rights groups have been compelled to dramatically scale-down operations or remove human rights activities from their man-dates, and an unknown number of organizations have closed entirely. Several of the country’s most experienced and reputable human rights activists have fled the country due to threats.”
Mentioning the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the report says that Ethiopia has now become a very dangerous country for independent journalists. This is why, the report says, “more journalists have fled Ethiopia than any other country in the world due to threats and intimidation in the last decade.”
The report, which says the Anti-Terrorism Law is misused by the government to silence opponents and repress dissent, states that only in 2012 30 journalists, political activists, and opposition party members were convicted miserably on unclear terrorism offenses under the Law. According to the report, 11 journalists in total have been convicted under the same law— since 2011.
The report explains: “On January 26, 2012, a court in Addis Ababa sentenced both deputy editor Woubshet Taye and columnist Reeyot Alemu of the now-defunct weekly Awramaba Times to 14 years in prison. On July 13, veteran journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega, who won the prestigious PEN America Freedom to Write Award in April, was sentenced to 18 years in prison along with other journalists, opposition party members, and political activists. Exiled journalists Abiye Teklemariam and Mesfin Negash were sentenced to eight years each in absentia under a provision of the Anti-Terrorism Law that has so far only been used against journalists.”
It further says: “On July 20, after the government claimed that reports by the newspaper Feteh on Muslim protests and the prime minister’s health would endanger national security, it seized the entire print run of the paper. On August 24, Feteh’s editor, Temesghen Desalegn was arrested and denied bail. He was released on August 28, and all the charges were withdrawn pending further investigation.”
The report also reveals that the government of Ethiopia is committing human rights violations in response to the ongoing Muslim protest movement in the country. It says federal police use excessive force, including beatings, to disperse peaceful protesters.
With regard to this, the report, for instance, says: “On July 13, police forcibly entered the Awalia Mosque in Addis Ababa, smashing windows and firing tear gas inside the mosque. On July 21, they forcibly broke up a sit-in at the mosque. From July 19 to 21, dozens of people were rounded up and 17 prominent leaders were held without charge for over a week. Many of the detainees complained of mistreatment in detention.”
“Extrajudicial Executions, Torture and other Abuses in Detention”
The 665 page report says that there have been so far widespread extrajudicial executions, torture and other brutal abuses in different detention centers and military barracks of the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia. It notes that Human Rights Watch has continued to document such executions and abuses.
The report explains: “An Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force known as the “Liyu Police”, for instance, executed at least 10 men who were in their custody and killed 9 other villagers in Somali Region on March 16 and 17 in Raqda village, Gashaamo district.”
It further says: “In April, unknown gunmen attacked a commercial farm owned by the Saudi Star company in Gambella that was close to areas that had suffered a high proportion of abuses during the villagization process. In responding to the attack, Ethiopian soldiers went house to house looking for suspected perpetrators and threatening villagers to disclose the whereabouts of the ‘rebels’. The military arbitrarily arrested many young men and committed torture, rape, and other abuses against scores of villagers while attempting to extract information.”
Additionally, the report states that there is what it says “erratic access” to legal counsel and insufficient respect for other due process during custody, pre-trial detention, and even during trial phases, when the cases are politically related. “This places detainees at risk of abuse”, the report says.
“Forced Displacement”
The report notes that although the government maintain that “villagization” is a voluntary program designed to improve access to basic services by bringing scattered people all together in new villages, the reality is that the program is involuntary and mainly designed to make way for huge agriculture investments.
The report explains: “In Gambella and in the South Omo Valley, forced displacement is taking place without adequate consultation and compensation. In Gambella, Human Rights Watch found that relocations were often forced and that villagers were being moved from fertile to unfertile areas. People sent to the new villages frequently have to clear the land and build their own huts under military supervision, while the promised services (schools, clinics, water pumps) often have not been put in place.”
According to the report, indigenous peoples, amount about 200,000, are being relocated in South Omo and their land expropriated to make way for sugar plantations. It says: “Residents reported being moved by force, seeing their grazing lands flooded or ploughed up, and their access to the Omo River, essential for their survival and way of life, curtailed.”
“Key International Actors”
The report, which finally examines the response of international actors to the human rights crisis in Ethiopia, strongly criticizes donors. It says that donor countries and development agencies are failed to take into account the deteriorating human right situation and the brutality of the regime, and act responsibly.
The report explains: “The World Bank, for instance, approved a new Country Partnership Strategy in September that takes little account of the human rights or good governance principles that it and other development agencies say are essential for sustainable development. It also approved a third phase of the Protection of Basic Services program (PBS III) without triggering safeguards on involuntary resettlement and indigenous peoples.”
Opposition Political Parties Showing Reservation to the Ethiopian National Transitional Council (ENTC)
March 9th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
Opposition political parties in Ethiopia are said to have been showing reservation to the Ethiopian National Transitional Council (ENTC), which has been working to overthrow the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) tyrannical regime that has been abusing, oppressing and exploiting its own people.
One ENTC leadership told this writer in an interview that although opposition political parties working in Ethiopia expressed their support to the Council (ENTC) — most of them have so far shown reservation to work together.
“When we formed ENTC, we had anticipated the joining of the other political groups under this umbrella. Hence the structure of the organization was designed in a bi-cameral way where organizations will have one wing with their voices and votes, and the public will be on the other end. To that effect, written invitations were sent to all the organized groups that are struggling for change in Ethiopia. Unfortunately, this did not work out as the opposition parties had some reservations even though they expressed support to the council”, he said.
The leadership, who said that the opposition political parties needed time to feel comfortable to rally behind the idea and join this new organization, said that —recognizing the problem —the general assembly of the council had passed a resolution in July 2012— to mobilize the public and, in the mean time, work closely with the other political parties and civic organizations.
“Accordingly, we are working together with other political parties in defining the roadmap and target around the alternative that ENTC believes yields success. Along with several other political parties and civic organizations, we have formed the “Joint Coordinating Committee of Ethiopian Democratic Forces” to help strengthen the cooperation. This committee is comprised of subcommittees and task forces which help develop the working relationships between the organizations”, he said.
The leadership also said that studying the past history of Ethiopian politics and assessing current political situations in Ethiopia, ENTC believed that along with the struggle for freedom— it was not too early to start thinking and planning of what was beyond.
“We believe that creation of an all-inclusive transitional government will help us have a framework and readiness that is required if the regime falls. In addition to that, having this institution beforehand will force the disparate political groups to work under one umbrella strengthening the struggle, hence two birds with one stone. Currently ENTC is calling for the formation of such an institution”, he explained.
Different political analysts argue that the Ethiopian National Transitional Council (ENTC) has been the first ever and wise development in the Ethiopian opposition politics. They are optimistic that the council will strengthen the Ethiopian struggle for freedom by bringing opposition political parties —which have been so fragmented.
The Ethiopian National Transitional Council (ENTC) was officially established in Dallas, USA on July 3, 2012, by Ethiopians from all over the world. It has been given the objective to overthrow the EPRDF regime and facilitate a peaceful transition of power to opposition political parties through participatory, fair, and democratic election.
Since its establishment, the council have done so many successful activities. For instance, it has managed to organize and mobilize Ethiopians that were part of the silent majority at the grassroots level in different local councils / chapters from all over the world including some in Africa. In addition, it has been doing meaningful works to influence western governments, which are the backbone of the tyrant regime in Ethiopia, to stand for the demand of the Ethiopian people.
Oakland Institute Exposed the Human Right Impact of “land grabbing” in Ethiopia
February 18th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
The United States-based Oakland Institute, which is known in struggling for land rights and food sovereignty of Africans, has exposed the human right impact of the land investment, which is often characterized as “land grabbing”, on indigenous communities in the Gambella Regional state, Ethiopia.
The new report of the institute says “the government of Ethiopia has not only failed to keep its promises and deliver services and infrastructure, but also has perpetrated human rights abuses in resettling indigenous communities in Gambella to allow for land investment deals to move forward.”
The report, titled “Unheard Voices”, is based on the result of an extensive work and research of the institute on the land investment in Ethiopia, and on personal testimonies of prominent Ethiopian human rights defenders. It also consists the results of Human Rights Watch (HRW) researches conducted on human rights abuses associated with Ethiopia’s villagization program.
The 15 page report says “although Ethiopian officials claim that villagization is a voluntary program, investigations reveal that the government has forcibly resettled indigenous communities from land earmarked for commercial agricultural development, rendering them food insecure and fearful for their survival.” Villagization is an official government policy that “voluntarily” resettles indigenous populations from scattered places to villages of 400-500 families, ostensibly in the name of providing infrastructure and better social services.
According to the report, the government has used fear, violence, and intimidation against indigenous communities in Gambela. Mentioning the HRW, the report says, “Police and soldiers have beaten and arrested those who question these policies, releasing them only on the condition that they support the resettlement program.”
In connection, the report also indicates that the assault and retaliation have continued even after the resettlement. Here the report explains: “Human Rights Watch reports that parents are afraid to send their children to school because of the increased army presence. Parents worry that their children will be assaulted.”
The 15 page report of the institute, which paints a more complete picture of the impact of the “land grabbing”, also asserts that the government has also failed to compensate individuals for their loss of livelihood and land. The report says, “The Oakland Institute did not find any instances of government compensation being paid to indigenous populations evicted from their lands.”
The report explains: “Under international law, forced evictions can only be carried out if they comply with specific standards. The relevant standards derive from a variety of different sources; and they require states to ensure that evictions serve a legitimate public purpose, that they meet the requirements of due process, and that they are accompanied by fair compensation. The testimony of affected individuals compels the conclusion that these evictions are forced, and in violation of international law.”
In addition, the report states that the resettlement has directly affected the livelihoods of the communities and exposed them to serious food insecurity. It explains: “In many parts of Gambella, families farm on sedentary plots along the riverbanks and practice shifting cultivation on higher ground; the former protecting them against poor harvests on the latter. The shifting cultivation practice involves farming on one plot of land for several years before moving on to another. They return to the original plot in seven to 10 years and begin the process again. Yet once they are sent to live in villages, the static lifestyle and lack of water sources render them unable to practice this traditional form of farming.” Here the report criticized the government for not providing training to the resettled communities to learn new forms of cultivation.
According to the report, unable to feed and care for themselves and their families, such shifting cultivators fear they will not survive. The report says, “one displaced individual told HRW: ‘the government is killing our people through starvation and hunger— we are just waiting here for death.’”
According to the report, Nyikaw Ochalla, an Ethiopian human right defender and the Coordinator of Anywaa Survival Organization, told Oakland Institute: “the communities used to live on riverbanks, but they are now in a place where there is no river. They are taken far away from fish, and they can’t fish at all. Land is their identity—it is what they breathe, and they’re taken away from that. Even now, some people are so stressed. They sit in camp and do nothing. Their way of living and their existence has been taken from them.”
The report also indicates that through the so called villagaization program over 1.5 million additional Ethiopians, including 225,000 people from Gambella alone, are in the process of being relocated, and the humanitarian situation is likely to deteriorate further.
“Key Rights Affected”
The report says the Ethiopian government has violated a number of rights of the indigenous populations guaranteed by different international and regional laws and treaties, in order to make a way for commercial agricultural development.
The report explains: “The ICCPR prohibits arbitrary arrests and beatings—such as those carried out against individuals who question the government’s resettlement plans—as well as the mistreatment of those who are held in government custody.”
It adds: “The repressive atmosphere, in which the government responds forcefully to those who dissent against villagization, also suggests violations of the freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly, both of which are also guaranteed by the ICCPR. The government has also violated or jeopardized the economic and social rights of many of the people it has resettled in order to clear land for investors.”
The report also says: “by removing people to areas that lack housing and infrastructure, separating them from their crops, grazing lands, and other forest and water resources, the government has destroyed the livelihoods of those who rely on such resources—such as shifting cultivators. As a result, large populations that previously produced their own food have now been rendered food insecure, suffering violations of their rights to food, housing and adequate standard of living, all of which are enshrined in the ICESCR..”
Ethiopia to Negotiate with Eritrea
February 13th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
The Ethiopian government is willing to negotiate with Eritrea and resolve their border dispute
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA – The Ethiopian government has clearly shown its strong willingness to negotiate with its neighboring Eritrea and resolve their border disagreement that drove them to a bloody war in 1998.
Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn, the new Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, told to Al Jazeera in an interview that his government is willing to hold talks with Mr. Isaias Afwerki, the president of Eritrea, on the difference of the two nations.
“If you ask me ‘do you want to go to Asmara and sit down and negotiate with Isaias Afwerki?’ ”, Mr Hailemariam Desalegn said, “I will say yes’.” “The most important thing for us is fighting poverty, having regional integration, economic integration, infrastructure integration, so that we will be better off in competing in the global economy. Smaller country you are, you cannot compete in the global market; the larger and the interconnected you are, you can have inter-state trade and investment as well as global trade and investment.”
The Prime Minister indicated that going to Asmara for negotiation was following the policy of his predecessor, Meles Zenawi. He said that Meles Zenawi had asked frequently to go to Asmara and negotiate with Isaias Afwerki. “You can ask the major people who tried to mediate these two countries. Meles Zenawi told all of them that he was ready to go anywhere and negotiate with Isaias Afwerki.”
Furthermore, the prime minister said that his government could accept any country willing to mediate them. But, he said, “it would be much more productive, if we two (Ethiopia and Eritrea) do the negotiation ourselves.”
Following the statement of the prime minister, the Eritrean government has still said nothing. However, many Ethiopians are expressing their support to the statement through different media. Shewit, an Ethiopian Diaspora in America, for instance said that the speech was the diplomatically safer talk of the Ethiopian government, and the right way to deal with the thug of Eritrea.
Likewise, Mr. Gemech said that it was great that the prime minister was willing to talk to the leader of Eritrea. However, Mr. Gemech said, “making peace with Eritrea as a state is not going to mean brotherly neighborhood is going to be established. Eritrean government and its supporters who believe they are better than the rest of Ethiopians and Africans are not capable of being brotherly neighbourhood.”
However, despite the fact that many Ethiopians support the move of the government to negotiate with Eritrea, many opposition political parties and activists are suspicious on the objective of the negotiation. They claim that the negotiation is not intended to bring peace and regional economic integration, but also to crack down the Ethiopian rebel groups that are operating in Eritrean land. They say that in order to do so the Ethiopian government might even give the land it has been claiming to be its own to Eritrea.
According to different news, more than 6 rebel groups operating in Eritrean land have recently established a strong coalition and begun an intensive and well organized war against the regime in Ethiopia that has been deteriorating due to the death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. There are also reports indicating that the number of Ethiopian youngsters joining the rebel groups is also increasing time to time.
A very recent reports indicate that in order to mediate Ethiopia and Eritrea the government of South Sudan, the newly independent African nation, has named a delegation that would travel to both capitals. And the negotiation is expected to start very soon.
Eritrea, a former colony of Italy, was unified with Ethiopia in 1962, with the support of the United Nations. In the 1980s, Mr. Zenawi, at that time a rebel leader in Ethiopia, teamed up with Isaias Afwerki, an Eritrean rebel leader, to bring down the Ethiopia’s tyrannical regime. In 1993, Eritrea became an independent state in a very controversial way, and Mr. Isaias also became its president.
However, after a while, the relation between the two states turned sour and they engaged in to an unwanted border conflict which caused to serious human causalities. According to different reports the war taken place from May 1998 to June 2000 resulted in 100,000 deaths, 10 thousands of serious physical injuries, and millions of dollars destructions. Since this bloody war, the two countries have been in serious hostility, and have routinely accused each other of backing armed groups to destabilize the other. In March, 2012, following Ethiopia’s cross-border attacks in Eritrea on what it said were rebel targets, they were nearly returned to war.
Atrocious Torture and Inhuman Treatment in Pre-trial and Arbitrary Detention in Ethiopia
January 12th, 2013By Betre Yacob.
Independent human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty international, and the Anti-Torture Committee of the United Nations have several times reported of systematic persecution as well as use of violence and torture against Ethiopian journalists, opposition political leaders and members as well as anyone who are critical of the tyrannical regime. Amnesty International, for instance, says in its press release issued on 28 August 2012 that it regularly received several information about the use of torture in pre-trial and arbitrary detention.
However, despite the fact that there are so many reports about the use of torture in pre-trial and arbitrary detention in Ethiopia, none of them give clear and detail information on the subject matter. So that the issue has remained to be doughfull, for many people living abroad. Now, thanks to WikiLeaks, a marvellous report that is said to be extraordinary has been released. “INSIDE ETHIOPIA’S JAILS”, the report of Mr. Donald Yamamoto, the late ambassador of USA in Ethiopia, clearly shows what the atrocious crime the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia commit against journalists and political prisoners in its dark prisons and detention centers. The report, which referenced different in-depth interviews with victims, gives most explosive information on the subject matter.
Mr. Donald Yamamoto wrote “INSIDE ETHIOPIA’S JAILS” to the Washingtone government, while he was in charge of US mission in Ethiopia. The report was intended to make the Washingtone aware of what is happening in Ethiopia, and in turn to take an approperate measure against the regime.
“INSIDE ETHIOPIA’S JAILS”
According to the report, political and other prisoners in Ethiopia are subjected to dis-speakable torture in detention centers in attempts by police and security officials to elicit confessions before cases go to trial. According to the report, the torture includes being blindfolded and hung by the wrists for several hours, bound by chains and beaten, held in solitary confinement for several days to weeks or months, subjected to mental torture such as harassment and humiliation, forced to stand for over 16 hours, and having heavy objects hung from one’s genitalia.
The report also indicates that prohibiting detains from food, to taking shower, and to change clothes are also another form of torture. Regarding this the report says: “two political prisoners who were arrested for “inciting violence” following the 2005 elections told him that they had been given just one meal every two days, and had been prohibited to take shower as well as change clothes.” The report further indicates that prisoners are also subjected to mental torture.
The report, which says such kinds of tortures are most common practice at the dark prisons and detention centers, says that the government detains prisoners for many years without any charge and trial. It further indicates that prisoners are also held in such prisons despite having been officially released by the courts.
According to the report, some prisoners die having failed to resist the endless tortures while others left the prisons with permanent physical injuries related to their ears, heads, hands, legs, and genitals. In this regard, the report says: “sources told the Embassy that three prisoners with whom they were detained (Tsegaye Ayele Yigzaw, Gedlu Ayele Hulu-Ante, and Argata Gobena Maru) died in jail as a result of the beatings and absence of medical treatment, and one pregnant woman (Webit Lengamo) miscarried after being severely beaten.”
According to the report, one opposition official told the Embassy that he had spent one month and 18 days in a detention center named “Ma-ekelawi” in a small, dark, 4×4 meter room with 12 other prisoners. He told to the Embassy that medical treatment had not been available, and prisoners had not been allowed any visitors. He also told to the Embassy that the younger prisoners had been beaten most severely, and then denied medical treatment.
According to the report, the opposition official mentioned here above reported to the Embassy that some prisoners had told him that they had been detained for several years without being charged and without trial.
The report says: “for example, he spoke with four people who were arrested in Hargeisa, Somaliland two years ago and accused of being members of the Oromo Liberation Front, a banned insurgent movement. They have been held for two years without trial, and their families do not know of their whereabouts. Also, he spoke with one of four people who were arrested 14 years ago following the assassination attempt against Egyptian President Mubarak and held incommunicado without trial. Of the four, two have already died in prison and the two others are in very bad condition.”
In addition, the report indicates the presence of corruption around detention centers. It states that the higher officials of the detention centers force prisoners’ family members to pay bribes to speed up the investigation process as well as to get prisoners released. For instance, the report says: “one person told our source that her brother was in jail and had to stay there until they could figure out to whom they should pay the bribe. In another case a foreigner told our source that he was asked for a USD 50 bribe from the investigator.”
Ma-ekelawi: The Dark Detention Centre
There are so many darken detention centers in Ethiopia. Some of them are known by the public whereas the others are hidden. Ma-ekelawi is one of those detention centers known by the public.
Regarding this detention center, the report states the following. “According to a British national recently released from Ma-ekelawi, the jail is divided into two sections, the “open” side and the “underground” side. In the “open” side, there are 12 cells, six on each side of an open courtyard about two meters wide. There are eight toilets and two showers, for an average of 100 prisoners at a time. In the “underground” side, there are two types of solitary confinement cells. One type of cell is reportedly not physically uncomfortable, while the other type of cell is extremely small and prisoners are forced to stand.”
The Paper Tigers
“No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. It is what the universal declaration of human rights (UDHR), to which Ethiopia is a signatory, states under Article 5. Article 9 of the declaration also stats: “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.” Likewise, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) adapted in 1966 and the African Charter on Human and People’s Right (ACHPR) incorporate similar articles.
When we come to the constitution of Ethiopia, Article 17 and 18 of the constitution says: “no person may be subjected to arbitrary arrest, and no person may be detained without a charge or conviction against him; everyone has the right to protection against cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
However, sadly, none of the legal documents are practically protecting Ethiopians. Many Ethiopian are suffering from being subjected to torture or inhuman treatment as well as arbitrary detention, particularly journalists, opposition political leaders and anyone who are critical of the regime. This is also clearly revealed by “INSIDE ETHIOPIA’S JAILS”.
http://www.assaman.info/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=893:atrocious-torture-and-inhuman-treatment-in-pre-trial-and-arbitrary-detention-in-ethiopia&Itemid=36
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church to Do Controversial Vote for a New Patriarch
December 12th, 2012By Betre Yacob.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC), one of the ancient and the largest of all Oriental Orthodox churches in the world, is to do a controversial vote for a new patriarch to succeed Abune Paulose V, who died on 16 August 2012 leaving behind the church anxious about its unity.
Recently, the holy synod in Ethiopia has appointed the Arssi Diocese Archbishop, Abune Nathaniel as temporary managing archbishop of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and has formed an election committee consisted of more than 7 Archbishops.
The holy synod and its supporters say that Abune Nathaniel could manage an election in such a way which compromise the interest of the two rivalry synods, and bring peace in the church. “Abune Nathnael would make a wonderful Patriarch” an Ethiopian Diaspora in America said. “I have met him personally in few occasions. I remember him being involved in mediating a conflict between some Amhara and Gurage split in the Arsi Zone as well as between Muslims and Christians—-during the Arbagugu conflict.” However, the holy synod exiled in North America, which call itself “The Legal Holy Synod of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church” and many followers of the church don’t accept the appointment of the Archbishop, Abune Nathaniel, and the establishment of the electoral committee. They strongly claim that the appointment is not necessary since there is Abune Merkorios IV dethroned illegally by the ruling party, Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). They say that the synod in Ethiopia is to conduct an “illegal election”.
Abune Merkorios was the 4th patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church; but, in 1991, after seizing power, the Tigrean People Liberation Front (TPLF), the dominant faction in the EPRDF coalition, removed him, violently, and replaced him with Abune Paulose who are supposed to be its most loyal. This incident caused the Ethiopian Orthodox Church patriarchate to be split into two holy synods — one exiled in North America, and the other in Ethiopia. The holy synod exiled in North America is established by the Archbishops and other high ranking members of the clergy spurned the forced removal of the Patriarch and fled the country. Many believe that the forced removal of the patriarch was intended to control and politicaliz the church by placing a government loyal person on the throne.
According to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church doctrine the enthronement of a patriarch while another is alive is strictly prohibited. Having this ground, the holy synod exiled in North America and many followers of the church believe that Abune Merkorios has still been the legal Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox church. According to the founders of the Synod, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church can only have one Synod at a time and that Synod is in exile with the legal Patriarch- Abune Merkorios IV. Following the move of the holy synod in Ethiopia many followers of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church are expressing their trepidation that the move of the synod might widen the difference between the two synods, and severely destruct the long lasting unity of the church.
“It is shameful for those so called fathers in Ethiopia who are rushing to embark on another election of a bogus patriarch while the legitimate patriarch is still alive”, Mr. Hailu said. “Don’t they see the grave danger our church has been mired in for the past 21 years? Because of the division our church has been weakened… Letting the division to continue by talking about a shame election of a bogus patriarch will be yet another grave mistake worse than the one committed 21 years ago. Let Abune Merkorios assume the leadership of a united Orthodox Church for the rest of his life. Election shall be considered after that.”
The holy synod exiled in North America said in its press release issued on November 25, 2012 that: what the members of the synod in Ethiopia doing is absolutely unexpected from them. It is expected from them to respect the doctrine of the church, to work in order to join the two synods, and to bring back the unity of the church… Trying to elect a new patriarch is disgracing the church.”
Following the current tension, a neutral team consisted of religious fathers and public figures is working to negotiate the two synods. Political activists, however, argue that it is totally impossible to bring back Abune Merkorios IV to the throne- since the holy synod in Ethiopia is under the substantial influence of the EPRDF, which dethroned the patriarch 21 years ago. They say that Abune Merkorios has still been considered by the party to be a serious threat to its power.
Since recent years, Abune Merkorios has been known in his strong critics towards the poor human right record of the government. He claims that the ruling party has committed enormous human right violations on law abiding citizens starting from the time it took power from the Dergue regime. In addition to this, he believes that the government has exerted substantial influence on the church, and it is threatening the existence of the church more than ever been. In the press release, the holy synod exiled in North America stressed that in order to join the two synods and bring ultimate peace for the church the synod in Addis Ababa should first accept Abune Merkorios as a patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.
Betre Yacob responds questions about Ethiopia’s future
December 1st, 2012By Jaime Ortega Simo.
Betre Yacob is a writer and a journalist from Ethiopia.
1) Ethiopia has experienced strong growth on exports which increased its GDP over the past years. Seems like the Karuturi Corp. and other Trade Diversify companies that control the agricultural market are doing great. But what about the inhabitants of Ethiopia, are they living better than in the past?
1. As it is known that over the past years Ethiopia has witnessed a rapid economic growth. According the Ethiopian government report, since 2004 the GDP of the country has witnessed two digit growth, although IMF reduces the growth to 5 to 7 percent. For instance, according to the IMF report in 2011/12 the GDP of the country was grown at 7 percent. However, despite the fact that there is such remarkable economic growth, there is no visible change in the life of Ethiopians who have been in rampant poverty.
In the past 4 years I have frequently travelled to different parts of the country for work, and tried to trace the impact of the economic growth in the life of the people, particularly in the life of the rural residences who amount 85 percent of the overall population of the country. During these times what I have realized is that despite the economic growth chronic food insecurity has still been a defining feature of the poverty that has affected millions of Ethiopians in rural areas. Rural households live are still heavily reliant on very backward and rain-fed agriculture and, in years of short rainfall, the threat of widespread starvation is terrified. Even in years with enough rainfall, food shortages and hunger are recurrent problems for many millions of people. More recently, this problem has also been exacerbated by economic inflation.
In addition to my personal observation let me add some data which can illustrate the fruitless economic growth of Ethiopia. According to the data obtained from the Ethiopia’s government, more than 7 million chronically food-insecure farmers have currently been under the Safety Nets Program, which is funded by a consortium of donors aiming at improving the lives of poor rural people. Look, they are chronically food-insecure farmers. Additional 8 million people are also waiting to be the part of the program. Currently, the program is expected to be scaled up to 15 million people.
In addition, although it has been succeeded in averting mass starvation, more than 4 million Ethiopians on average need emergency food assistance every year. For instance, in August 2012, the Ethiopia’s government call upon the international community for 314 thousand tone emergency food assistance.
Here, in addition to the food insecurity, malnutrition is still a serious problem in Ethiopia. There is, according to the report of Sweet Potato Initiative (SPI), insufficient energy in the diet; there are still also major micronutrient deficiencies. Among the latter, lack of sufficient vitamin A intake is a serious national problem that can lead to impaired sight or blindness, increased morbidity and mortality in young children and increased illness in pregnant and lactating omen.
In dealing about urban areas, the poverty rate has been becoming almost similar to that of the rural areas. There are studies indicating that the poverty in urban areas has been aggravating due to the increasing price inflation that has reached 33.2% in 2011 coupled with the widespread unemployment problem. According to UNICEF, more than 600,000 people living in different cities across the country are currently homeless due to critical poverty, and of them 100,000 are found in the capital Addis Ababa.
When we come to the reason why the economic growth hasn’t made a change in the life of the poor, we will find what Jaime Ortega said to be right. The growth is the result of the success of very few corporations and trade companies that control the agriculture and other basic economic sectors. The farmers, who amount 85 percent of the total population of the country, are still with the backward and low productive agriculture like the past.
2) Meles Zenawi was pro capitalism and globalization. Is Jacob Zuma pro capitalism or does he offer another perspective that would be lucrative to help feed the demands of Ethiopians?
2. First of all I don’t accept that Meles Zenawi was pro capitalism. Because, during his rule most of important business companies were government owned, and the rest was also affiliated with his party. I think as far as we give different meaning to the word capitalism, we don’t have a ground to call Meles capitalist.
I also say the same thing regarding globalization-Meles was not pro globalization. I believe in the Russian proverb that says “looking at a tree sees its fruit; looking at a man sees his deeds”. We should measure him based on his conduct instead of his sweet words. His rule was marked by a cynical divide-and-rule strategy; he was playing off ethnic groups against one another for his cheep political benefit; he was promoting the superiority of his ethnic group, Tigrayan.
3) Is Ethiopia the rode model for Eastern African countries to follow?
3. I think no one can’t run from the naked fact that the main objective of an economic development is to bring about change in the life of citizens. In this regard, the economic growth of Ethiopia lacks a lot. In addition to this, Ethiopia uses its primary resource such as land and minerals unfairly and unwisely to attain cheep economic growth and it also will have its own negative impact on the future development of the country. So based on these facts it is better if Eastern African countries look for another role model to follow.
4) Are people concerned that these transnational corporation will eventually “buy-off” Ethiopia, and even perhaps sell it to other future investors, without authorization from local state officials?
4. Many Ethiopian are concerned that the transnational corporations might “buy-off” Ethiopia. But I don’t think that they are concerned that the corporations will eventually sell the land to other future investors, because the corporations are not given the right to sell the land to a third party in the agreement with the Ethiopian government, and they are also believed to be aware of the bad consequence of trying to do it without authorization from local state officials.
Anyway it should be noted that the ‘land grabbing’ has been totally unacceptable by Ethiopian, it has been done forcefully by the governing party, Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which has been ruling the country by force. So, if the party step down from the power, the following government might transfer the lands occupied by the corporations to indigenous farmers.
5) Are they been any plans in The African Union to foment or try to incorporate a single currency into circulation that would allow free trade?
5. A common African currency has been one of the main strategies of the African Union (AU) to achieve its goal that is politically and economically united Africa. Particularly, since the old inter-governmental organization (OAU) transformed into the new one, the African Union (AU), the plan to lunch the common currency has been given a priority agenda. In addition to uniting the whole Africa, a single currency is also believed by the AU to be a means to boost investment and trade in Africa.
However, there have been several challenges faced by the AU to launch a single currency for the time being. The first one is that lunching a common currency in the continent where there are nations in extremely different economic performance have its own potential risk-low performing nations could affect others in the region. In addition, the continent lacks the minimum economic integration that could allow to have a common currency. And also there exist low institutional capacities in nearly all the nations, and are no independent financial systems in most of them. Here AU believes that a currency that is ill managed could lead continent into serious economic crises.
In the past few years the AU has been engaged in building and strengthening the African Economic Community (AEC), which consisted of the existing eight regional economic communities such as the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The objective of the AEC is to transform the fifty three member state economies into a single economic and monetary union, with a common currency, and free mobility of capital and labour. The AEC is planned as a gradual undertaking to be carried out in six stages. Currently, the AEC is at the third stage of the process, which requires establishment of a Free Trade Area (FTA) and customs union in each of the regional economic communities until 2017.
However, according to the performance report of AU issued in 2011, despite the progress made by Member States towards economic cooperation, the creation of the economic unions has been hampered by conflicts and political, economic and social governance challenges in some parts of the continent.
6) Could tensions with neighboring countries like Eritrea or Somalia, damage the prosperity needed in Ethiopia?
6. It is not doubting that tensions with neighboring countries could harm the prosperity needed in Ethiopia. High political instability in the region puts off the coming investment in Ethiopia and also disturbs the existing investment; this is, in fact, a long run loss in terms of loosing investors’ confidence for both: existed and expected future investors.
In addition to this, as the result of the instability in the region, the military Expenditure of Ethiopia is alarmingly increasing. For instance, evidences indicate that after the military intrusion in Somalia, Ethiopia’s government bought more than 500 tanks, several weapons, and other military equipments, and the number of military personnel have also been increasing. It has an impact on the development programs in the country by declining the amount of resources allocated for the program.
Ethiopian Muslims Protest After Eid Al Adeha Prayer
November 2nd, 2012
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA – Nearly two hundred thousand Ethiopian Muslims gathered at one place in and around the Addis Ababa Stadium to perform the prayer of Eid Al Adeha (Arefa), one of the most important Islamic holydays, on Friday, October 26, protested against the government interference in religious affairs.
“Let government interference in religious affairs be stopped!” and “Let the constitution be respected!” repeatedly chanted the worshippers following the prayer. Furthermore, “Let our voices be heard!” and “Let the repression be stopped!” were among the slogans chanted by the worshippers.
Different sources said large numbers of protesters had also poured onto the streets in different big towns such as Bahir Dar, Gondar, Dessie, and Woldeya chanting the same slogans, “Let government interference in religious affairs be stopped” and “Let the constitution be respected”.
Many argue that the Eid Al Adeha (Arefa) had been an important occasion in which Muslims showed the government and the nation that they are not give up on their legitimate demands and are united in their cause.
For the past eight months, Muslims in Addis Ababa as well as other major cities across the country have been staging peaceful protests against the government’s interference in religious affairs, which, they say, contradict Article 9 of the constitution of the country.
They accuse the government of determining the makeup of the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council by appointing followers of a sect called al-Ahbash and trying to impose its teachings on the Muslim community forcefully. They strongly claim that the council is mostly comprised of government-appointed figures who do not represent them.
The Ethiopian constitution, Article 9, states the Separation of State and Religion in clear terms: “there shall be no state religion; the state shall not interfere in religious matters and religion shall not interfere in state affairs.”
The government, however, doesn’t accept the accusation. In turn, it claims that the Muslims’ movement is something arranged by a few extremists and trouble makers who have hidden agendas such as turning the country into an Islamic republic.
”These extremist groups in Ethiopia are facilitating a situation in order to advance their hidden agendas,” the government spokesman, Shimelis Kemal, said. “They started all kinds of accusations, stating that the government is using its institutions to coerce and to systemically wipe out Islamic religion from Ethiopia. “
“We don’t have any hidden agenda”, said Ismael Hussein, one of the protesters in Addis Abeba. “We are not trying to take over and make our country an Islamic republic. Our questions are clear. We need the government to stop interfering in religious affairs by respecting the constitution.”
The international political analyst, Buri Waddesso, says what the government says about Muslim protesters is fabricated and intended to cover its unlawful acts.
“Ethiopian Muslims are able to put a name on the reality of their oppression. They are demanding their rights, rather than begging for them from a benevolent and paternal power.”
In the past months, the government has tried to silence the opposition by imprisoning key protesters and prominent Muslim’s representatives. However, in contrary, the protest has been getting stronger and wide spreading throughout the country.
“We never stop struggling for our rights and freedoms”, Muhammad Osman, one of the leaders of the protest, said. “We would rather die than being silent. The government has to understand this well.”
On Sunday, October 21, 2012, following the detention of 2 young Muslim protesters, a clash was erupted between the Muslim community and security forces in South Wollo Zone, Amhara Regional State. In the conflict, 4 people were shot dead while more than 20 were highly injured.
According to different sources, the Muslim community has recently begun pushing for unity between Christians and others in the country, urging all Ethiopians to come together for change in the country.
Source :- http://www.assaman.info
Ethiopia’s Genocide of the Ogadeni Continues
September 19th, 2012By Betre Yacob
The genocide in the controversial Ogaden region, a territory comprising the southeastern portion of the Somali Regional State in Ethiopia, has continued with a massacre of 17 and missing of 14 Ogadenis.
Hassen Abdulahi, the representative of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), the rebel group fighting with the Ethiopian government seeking for more autonomy for the underdeveloped Somalia region, said: “On September 3, 2012 Ethiopia’s government troops collected 31 people in Korelie Kebele, Deniese Woreda, Wardier Zone and killed 17 of them and took the rest 14 to an unknown place accusing of supporting the ONLF”
He said no one knew the where about of 14 of the people. Many are arguing that the missing people might have be killed somewhere else. “It is a usual phenomena that the Ethiopia’s troops commit a massacre on innocent people, Hassen Abdulahi said, “but what makes the current one so special is that its victims are prisoners, women and old enough people as well as a child aged seven.”
In 2007 after the ONLF rebels launched an attack on a Chinese oil field, the Ethiopian army has launched a counterinsurgency campaign in the Ogaden region. And since the beginning of the campaign, different concerned international organizations have been accusing the government of committing genocide against the Ogadeni civilian population.
For instance, Genocide Watch’s recent report said “the Ethiopian government’s counter –insurgency campaign in Ogaden has incorporated several war crimes and crimes against humanity.”
“The army has imposed an economic blockade on many towns and villages of the region. The government has restricted access to water, food and other necessities. Massacres, torture, rape and disappearances are prevalent in the Ogaden region.”
According to the report, women and children are the most vulnerable groups to suffer abuse and violence. And all they are accused of being relatives of ONLF members.
The report says, “the Ethiopian government’s policy in Ogaden is to suppress all demands for autonomy from Ogadenis. It has included gradual starvation of the population in IDP camps – a policy Genocide Watch calls Genocide By Attrition.”
According to the declaration made by the General Assembly of the United Nations in its resolution 96 (I) dated 11 December 1946, genocide is an international crime in times of both war and peace.
Article 2 of the declaration states: “genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group such as: (a) killing members of the group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or part …”
International Medias Remain Silent
Following the September massacre, many are criticizing the major international medias to have been silent on the issue. They ask, “why do international medias remain silent on this ultimate crime against humanity?”
Mohammed Amin Mohammed is an Ethiopian Diaspora in the USA asking such a question. He has started a petition together with his fellows in order to gather international media attention for the Ogaden people.
He said : “As the horror in Ogaden continues, our major media sources are largely missing in action. Like many American citizens, I rely on the news media. If an event is not reported on television, it is as if it does not happen.”
But, some people claim that: “even if journalists need to investigate the crime in Ogaden, they can’t do so – unless the Ethiopian government opens its door.”
Since 2007 the Ethiopian government has strictly prohibited journalists to go to Ogaden region and report the situation over there.
Power Vacuum and Struggle in Ethiopia after Prime Minister’s Death
September 8th, 2012By Betre Yacob
It has been 18 days since the death of the late Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi was announced by the Ethiopian Government on the state Television. But still now, no one in Ethiopia knows who the successor is. Even if the Ethiopian Communication Affairs Minister, Bereket Semon, said that everything was “stable” and the country’s deputy PM, Hailemariam Desalegn, would be sworn in as PM, different evidences are showing something opposite to that of his words. This is why there are now fears of increased instability in the country as well as in the Horn of Africa at large.
According to the International Crises Group (ICG) there has been a power struggle in Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the alliance of different ruling parties representing different ethnic groups. While some members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the dominant party in the alliance, object the succession of Hailemariam Desalegn, who is from the South and was in control of the power while PM Meles was ill, Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) and Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), the minority parties in the alliance, are strongly claiming that the power should be given to them. And ICG indicates that unless the struggle can get a permanent solution it would lead the country — which is highly wounded by ethnic politics — into instability and crumbling treat.
Including ICG many political activists argue that Ethiopia’s government has no institutional mechanism to manage a handover of executive responsibilities in such a way that respect the interest of more than 85 ethnic groups which think to be dominated by Tigrayan and look for a power. This is the reason why, according to their argument, the authorities have objected to approve the succession of Hailemariam, who was in control of the power while PM Meles was ill.
In the 1994 Ethiopian constitution, there are no clear mechanisms for succession. Article 71-75, which are stated to treat the executive powers and related matters, are blocked and more vague. For instance, Article 73 just says “the Prime Minister shall be elected from among members of the House of Peoples’ Representatives” in a more general way. Article 75 also states that the Deputy Prime minister may “act on behalf of the Prime Minister in his absence”, but it also states that in such circumstances he remains “responsible to the Prime Minister.” It means his power is not constitutionally given, but also it is given by the PM.
The ICG clams “the constitution was drafted so as not to constrain TPLF, the dominant party.” It says “the wording of Article 75 ensures that a non-Tigrayan deputy prime minister, necessary to preserve the image of ethnic balance, would not automatically be promoted once Meles was dead, thereby endangering the Tigrayan elite.”
Many people argue that the question of ANDM and OPDO is right since they are the two largest member parties in EPRDF consisting of the large seat in the Parliament and in the lower class of the military. Therefore, they say it is hard for the future of the country to object their request. But on the contrary the ICG and different political activists have said that if the power ran away from the hand of TPLF it would implement its old program of establishing the “Republic of Tigray”.
While the country is in this very challenging situation no one can speak genuinely about its future. Several elite Ethiopians are now suggesting the formation of a transitional government consisting of the ruling and the opposition parties as well as different civic societies. And the majorities of Ethiopians, who were victims of the authoritarian regime and its defect full policies and strategies, are expressing their support for its success. However EPDRF is saying, “It is impossible to do such a foolish thing.” It says that the party will keep ruling the country, and no change in its strategies and policies will be made.
Ethiopia: The Funeral of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has Taken Place
September 2nd, 2012By Betre Yacob.
The funeral ceremony of the Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, whose death had been a secret for several weeks and was announced on 20 August 2012 by Ethiopian state television, has taken place today (September 2) in Addis Abeba, the capital city of Ethiopia.
The ceremony which lasted nine hours started at Meskele Squire and concluded at Holy Trinity Church. It was attended by more than ten thousand people including different African leaders, ambassadors, diplomats and international organization higher officials.
Melese Zenewi, who was the main Western ally in counter-terrorism efforts in the horn of Africa, was believed by many to be a dictator. During his rule, he is believed to have imposed “his wicked will” on Ethiopians. Many Ethiopian and different international human rights organizations accused him of dividing people for his political benefit and jailing and killing so many innocent just because they opposed his regime and his wrong conducts.
Recently he was repeatedly criticized in condemning journalists and opposition political parties’ leaders and members and other political activist “traitors” and “terrorists”.
Meles Zenawi, born in 1954, president of the transitional government in Ethiopia (1991-1995), and Prime Minister of Ethiopia (1995-2012), took a key part in the armed struggle against the regime of military ruler Mengistu Haile Mariam and led the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), one of several groups fighting to end Mengistu’s rule.
At the beginning, Meles was a Marxist-Leninist, but later he had become the ‘market economy and parliamentary democracy’ advocator.